ANNE WARTH - Agencia Estado
SÃO PAULO - O presidente do PT, deputado Ricardo Berzoini (SP), e o presidente eleito do partido, José Eduardo Dutra, em nota divulgada hoje, chamaram o presidente do PSDB, senador Sérgio Guerra (PE), de "jagunço" e o governador de São Paulo, José Serra (PSDB), de "hipócrita". O texto é uma resposta à nota divulgada ontem por Guerra, que acusou a ministra-chefe da Casa Civil, Dilma Rousseff, de "mentir, omitir, esconder-se, dissimular e transferir responsabilidades".
"Além de mentir, Dilma Rousseff omite. Esconde que, em 32 meses, apenas 10% das obras listadas no PAC foram concluídas - a maioria tocada por Estados e municípios. Cerca de 62% dessa lista fantasiosa do PAC - 7.715 projetos - ainda não saíram do papel", afirmou o senador.
"O que mais salta aos olhos é a hipocrisia do candidato de PSDB, José Serra, que ao mesmo tempo em que afirma estar ''concentrado no trabalho'' e que ''não vai entrar nenhum bate-boca eleitoral de baixaria'', usa o presidente do seu partido como um verdadeiro jagunço da política para divulgar uma nota daquele teor", diz a nota petista.
Berzoini e Dutra afirmam que Guerra está desequilibrado e fez críticas de forma "desqualificada, vil, caluniosa e grosseira para com a ministra Dilma Rousseff, o que merece repúdio de todos".
"A nota revela o desespero por que passa a oposição brasileira, incapaz de produzir um programa de governo que sensibilize os corações e as mentes dos brasileiros", afirma o texto. "O PT reafirma que pretende fazer um debate de propostas e projetos, em alto nível, que permita ao povo brasileiro escolher o caminho mais adequado ao nosso país."
A guerra entre PT e PSDB teve início depois que Guerra, em entrevista à revista "Veja", afirmou que o Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento (PAC) "não se realizou" e que o partido iria acabar com o projeto.
Dilma, por sua vez, entrou na polêmica, ao lado do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, no Vale do Jequitinhonha (MG). "Nós estamos aqui justamente inaugurando uma obra concreta e real que todos vocês sabem que existe e que está aqui ao lado", afirmou. "Vira e mexe querem acabar com algum programa do governo Lula. Em 2006, foi a época que eles queriam acabar com o Bolsa-Família. Agora o objetivo é acabar com obras como essa que estamos inaugurando."
A liderança tucana reagiu, em nota assinada pela senadora Marisa Serrano (PSDB-MS), dizendo que o discurso não passava de "artimanha do PT". Também em nota, o presidente do PT, Ricardo Berzoini, afirmou que o PSDB estava "descontrolado" por não ter um projeto para apresentar ao País na próxima disputa eleitoral.
Marcelo BerabaFolha de Sao Paulo Marcelo Beraba Folha de Sao Paulo 3-Dec-06
Sunday’s headline said that the federal police concluded that Berzoini ordered the purchase of the smear dossier; a partial report by the police did not cite the Congressman
Three headlines published by Folha during the week provoked contrary reactions by readers. Two of them, in my opinion, have problems – and I will analyze them – and one is correct.
The dossier
Last Sunday’s headline carried exclusive information about the case of the dossier with accusations against the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) that Luiz Antonio Vedoin, accused of running a criminal operation in the Health Ministry, tried to sell to the Workers Party (PT). The headline and the story that supported it were categoric: “For police, Berzoini ordered purchase of dossier.
“After two months of investigation, the federal police and prosecutors concluded (my italics) that the decision to buy the dossier against the PSDB came from Ricardo Berzoini, then-president of the PT and chairman of President Luiz Incio Lula’s campaign for reelection.”
The newspaper tried to foresee, with this information, the report announced by the federal police set for release at the beginning of the week. The story did not have an identified source, which means that the newspaper was sure of the information that it published but can’t reveal its origin.
The story inside did not use the verb conclude, as did the front page, but rather a dubious formulation: “After two months of investigation, federal police and federal prosecutors hold the belief that the decision to buy the dossier against the PSDB came from Ricardo Berzoini, then-president of the PT and chairman of President Luiz Incio Lula’s campaign for reelection.”
The federal police report came out on Monday, but it did not cite Berzoini. It is a partial document, and police asked for another 30 days to conclude their investigations. On Tuesday, the newspaper came out with something tangential in reporting: “The federal police did not discard the possible involvement of the PT president, Ricardo Berzoini, in the dossier scandal, but according to the federal police superintendent in Mato Grosso state, the police ‘are not using this hypothesis at this time.’”
In my opinion, the newspaper was hasty to use that information in a headline. Concluding signifies, in a case like this, having proof to demonstrate; holding a belief means nothing. Is it possible that Berzoini will be cited as the one who ordered the dossier in the final report? It is possible. But it appears that the federal police still don’t have the evidence for this.
I believe that the newspaper was imprudent in this case and ran an unnecessary risk. The newsroom chose to not answer my questions.
Television
Tuesday’s headline – “Government advertising helps bankroll TV station of Lula’s son” – contained a mistake. Until it proves the contrary, Lula’s son does not have a TV station, as a headline on the inside indicates – “State funding helps bankroll TV station of Lula’s son.”
The news, which was on the front page, did not support the headline: “Gamecorp, of Fbio Luiz Lula da Silva, son of President Lula, shares with the Bandeirantes Group the profits derived from federal funding for ads on Play TV (formerly 21 Network). That is what the contract signed with 21 Network called for, between the Bandeirantes broadcasting group and Gamecorp, which produces programs broadcast by Play TV.”
There is legal action by the Bandeirantes group, owner of Play TV, against Abril Publishing. Among various points that need to be clarified in the case is the accusation, made by Abril, that the network had been leased by Gamecorp, which is illegal. According to Bandeirantes, it was just the sale of space.
The next day Letters to the Editor published two letters answering aspects to the story, one of them by the Bandeirantes Group. One of the complaints was about the headline: “Contrary to what the headline said, the son of President Luiz Incio Lula da Silva is not even a shareholder in 21 Network.” Folha’s answer avoided the question: “…the headline referred to the space controlled by Game TV (formerly Gamecorp) in programming on Play TV (formerly 21 Network). Game TV has among its owners Fbio Luiz Lula da Silva. At no time did the story assert that he was a shareholder of 21 Network.” The story did not, but the headline did.
It is important that the newspaper maintain its interest in clarifying this topic. It involves a TV network (public concession), a telephone company (public concession), government advertising (public money) and a company that has the president’s son as a partner. It is a topic of public interest. But there is an error of information in the headline, and the newspaper should correct it. The newsroom did not want to comment about this either.
Donations
The third controversial headline – “Banks lead in donations to Lula” – is correct. The objection raised by some readers was that the defeated candidate, Geraldo Alckmin of the PSDB, received an equal amount from banks, according to the newspaper itself on the front page.
A reader suggested that the headline should have been something like “Banks lead in donations to Lula and Alckmin.” Maybe. But Folha’s headline was not wrong, in my opinion, for one simple reason: Lula won the election, and Alckmin lost.
The main focus by the press must be on Lula, who has the responsibility to preside over the country for four more years. The donations reveal what interest groups will make demands on the next administration, and not on the losing candidate, the most costly donations ever given during an electoral campaign. It is the president who should demand transparency, impersonalization and correction of the relationships that involve the interests of these donors.
The newspaper reported well, during the week, on information furnished by the electoral tribunal about the financing and costs of campaigns. It is information that while it has public interest, it was denied to the public. But I will point out two missing pieces in Folha’s work:
1 – The newspaper did not report as it should have done on data about Alckmin’s campaign. Financial data by the PSDB was turned in late, on Tuesday, well after Lula, and the newspaper should only publish complete information about both campaigns, with graphics, in the So Paulo edition. Readers of the national edition (52%) learned only the details about Lula’s donors. They waited for the newspaper to publish data from Alckmin in the national edition on Thursday. This did not occur, but yesterday the newspaper came out partially with the missing information by revealing companies which have contracts with the So Paulo state government that made donations to the PSDB candidate (Alckmin was formerly the state’s governor).
2 – The newspaper took advantage of information about companies which made donations to those elected to Congress. However, it forgot to cross-check the data at its disposal about the members of the state legislature in So Paulo (the newspaper’s headquarters) and the congressional delegation from the state. What economic, labor and corporate groups helped elect state legislators? And federal? How will the delegations be formed with respect to specific interest groups that act above party interests? What commitments have these parliamentarians who are arriving in office? This is information available from electoral officials in a gross form and should be given special attention by the newspaper because it constitutes providing services for readers.
Reporting on the accounts of So Paulo’s incoming governor, Jos Serra of the PSDB, was little exploited by the newspaper (“In So Paulo, cost of main campaigns increases 83%” on Nov. 3) and should be the object of a new survey for a more detailed analysis, as it did correctly with Lula.
Translation by John Wright
Brazil energy minister under pressure over scandal
SAO PAULO (Reuters) - Brazil's energy minister will discuss his fate with President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva on Tuesday as police investigate him over accusations he embezzled money from public works projects, the latest scandal to hit the corruption-prone government.
The minister, Silas Rondeau, would either be fired or would step down temporarily, local media reported, citing unnamed aides in Lula's office. Ricardo Berzoini, the head of Lula's Workers' Party, said Rondeau should leave the cabinet, at least for now.
"Nobody is above the law," Berzoini said on local radio. "The best thing would be for (Rondeau) to step down until his involvement in the case is fully investigated."
Rondeau, who has denied any wrongdoing, has played a crucial role helping Lula start work on an ambitious series of infrastructure projects aimed at boosting economic growth and preventing electricity shortages.
Police have already arrested 50 people for skimming money from infrastructure projects, including Rondeau's senior adviser, in what they have dubbed Operation Razor.
The crackdown has raised concerns over Lula's four-year plan for about $250 billion of public and private investment in roads, railways and airports, as well as controversial hydroelectric plants in the Amazon region.
Rondeau would be the first minister of Lula's second term, which started in January, to quit over corruption allegations.
Scandals including bribery and vote-buying in Congress ousted the two most powerful ministers of Lula's first term, his then Chief of Staff Jose Dirceu and Finance Minister Antonio Palocci.
Lula has denied involvement in the alleged corruption schemes and insists that federal police have the independence to investigate whomever they choose.
In the past, federal police have wiretapped Lula's own political party and used evidence from security cameras at hotels and airports to investigate government officials and businesses.
Rondeau commands a large budget, makes policy on Brazil's leading biofuels program, and sits on the board of state-controlled oil company Petrobras.
Federal police said they suspected he may have received a 100,000 reais ($51,000) kickback from a construction company that won a government contract to bring electricity to poor households.
Justice Minister Tarso Genro confirmed the investigation but said there was no proof directly implicating Rondeau.
Adriano Pires, head of the Brazilian Center for Infrastructure consultancy, said the government should move quickly to replace Rondeau if he is forced to quit.
"The electricity sector already has investment problems, delayed projects, infighting over environmental permits. Everyone is worried about possible power shortages," he said.
Looking for Lula's successor
The fractured nature of Brazilian politics means the next president is unlikely to help the country's modernisation
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With Brazil's presidential elections due next year, the world's fourth largest democracy is now shifting into campaign mode as Lula's potential successors jostle for position.
President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva continues to enjoy a phenomenal 80% popular approval rating, but he has indicated that he will step down at the end of his second term of office, as he is constitutionally required to, rather than seek to subvert the constitutional limit – the option of so many other Latin American leaders.
This poses his Brazilian Workers' Party (PT) with a problem of finding a viable successor. Lula is pushing his current chief of staff, Dilma Rousseff, a former guerrilla, who he has sought to publicly associate with his programme for economic growth. However, Rousseff lacks Lula's charisma and, with the Brazilian economy now slowing, there is no guarantee that his popularity will rub off on her. Brazil posted its first trade deficit in eight years last month as demand for its commodity exports slowed in the rest of the world.
PT is still tarnished by the corruption allegations that destroyed most of its leadership in Lula's first term. The party gained some votes in the north-east in last year's local elections, but it did badly in Sao Paulo where its candidate, Martha Suplicy, fought a poor, and discreditable, campaign. Suplicy had been talked of as a possible PT presidential candidate, but is now out of the race. Tarso Genro, the widely respected former mayor of Porto Alegre and current minister for justice, is one of the party's only other options, but is unlikely to run this time.
The two strongest potential candidates are both members of PT's main political rival the Brazilian Social Democratic party (PSDB). Jose Serra, who Lula defeated in 2002, saw his preferred candidate – from the right-wing Democrats – win in Sao Paulo and he is strongly tipped to get the PSDB nomination. However, he is being channelled by Aecio Neves, the current governor of Minas Gerais, who could resign from PSDB to run his own candidacy if he feels that the selection process has been unfair (which it will be).
This week saw a further political twist as the centrist Brazilian Democratic Movement party (PMDB) won elections to the leadership of both the upper and lower houses of parliament. PMDB also did well in last year's local elections and there is an outside chance that it could run its own candidate for the presidency – perhaps Nelson Jobim, the current minister for defence. It is more likely to throw its weight behind Serra or Neves, however, as the party consists of an amorphous alliance of regional power-brokers held together more by opportunism than any shared political philosophy.
The new leader of the Senate, Jose Sarney, is a former president of Brazil who oversaw the country's halting transition away from military dictatorship in1985. He had originally been elected vice-president and assumed office after the death of Tancredo Neves, the grandfather of Aecio. Sarney may back Neves in order to stop Serra, who opposed his election in the Senate. Lula could also withdraw Rousseff as PT's candidate to back a Neves candidacy.
This confusing set of potential alignments is testament to the clientelistic nature of Brazilian politics. There are 21 different political parties represented in Brazil's Congress. Candidates frequently swap parties immediately after being elected. In the first two years of Lula's administration, for example, roughly one third of the members of Congress switched parties, several of them two or three times.
Sometimes this party swapping is simply down to corruption. The main aim of most politicians is to get as close to the state machinery as possible to enrich themselves and reward their supporters. During the so-called "mensaloes" ("big monthly payments") scandal in Lula's first term, it became clear that many members of parliament were being given regular bribes to vote for the government.
Sometimes it is for tactical reasons. Since no party can gain an overall majority, all governments are coalitions, which hang together through a constantly changing set of alliances. In Rio, for example, PT supported PMDB's Eduardo Paes for mayor in October 2008, despite the fact that he had previously been a PSDB member of parliament who had called for Lula's impeachment. His opponent in this election was Fernando Gabeira, of the Green Party, another former guerrilla who had once kidnapped the US ambassador to Brazil in order to secure the release of Jose Dirceu, Lula's former chief of staff. Gabeira had joined PT in 2002, but then resigned to rejoin the Greens. He was backed in Rio's election by PSDB and the Democrats because these are opposed to PT nationally.
A case before the Supreme Court may restrict the practice of party swapping in the future, but it is unlikely to change the fractured and clientelistic nature of Brazilian politics. The irony is that PT and PSDB are both recognisable centre-left parties whose leaders have far more in common with one another than with the other political parties that they have relied upon to form governing coalitions. Yet, rather than form a principled alliance, which could give them a reasonably stable parliamentary majority, they have chosen to ally to small, right-wing, populist and corrupt parties whose aims are mainly venal and who constitute a serious obstacle to Brazil's modernisation.
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