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quarta-feira, 9 de dezembro de 2009

Proponen moratoria a la inmigración legal en EEUU


AP) - Una organización conservadora instó el martes a que se tomen medidas drásticas contra la inmigración ilegal y se declare una moratoria a la llegada legal de inmigrantes a fin de garantizar que los empleos en Estados Unidos vayan a los ciudadanos del país.



En un comunicado recibido por la AP, Pat Buchanan, presidente del consejo de The American Cause, indicó que hacía la exhortación después que el presidente Barack Obama no prestó atención al asunto de inmigración durante su cumbre sobre el empleo.

Entretanto, Angela "Bay" Buchanan, presidenta de la misma organización, destacó que "con 10% de desempleo, ¿cómo puede el gobierno justificar el ingreso mensual (al país) de 125.000 trabajadores extranjeros y que no se haga nada sobre los que están aquí ilegalmente?"

Bay Buchanan también es comentarista de la cadena CNN y dirige el comité de acción política sobre inmigración llamado Team America.

La comentarista señaló que "Obama habla sobre la creación de empleos, pero si no detenemos la inmigración masiva, esos empleos no irán a los ciudadanos estadounidenses".

En una columna, Pat Buchanan pidió solicitar "al Congreso para que vote por una moratoria sobre inmigración hasta que haya un descenso en la tasa de desempleo por debajo del 6%", y pedirle al Departamento de Seguridad Nacional que reanude las redadas y aplique la ley contra los empleadores que contraten ilegalmente a indocumentados.

"No deberíamos señalar como chivos expiatorios a los inmigrantes que vienen al país legalmente, pero no podemos afrontar la importación de más de un millón de trabajadores cada año en momentos en que hay 25 millones de estadounidenses desempleados", agregó la señora Buchanan.

Lanzada en 1993, The American Cause es una organización educativa que busca promover valores estadounidenses tradicionales, según indica en su página de internet.







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Autoridades mexicanas cierran mina canadiense en Chiapas

TUXTLA GUTIERREZ, Chiapas, México (AP) - Las autoridades mexicanas cerraron una mina que pertenecía a una empresa canadiense ubicada en el sureste de México apenas 11 días después del asesinato de un activista opositor a la mina.





a secretaría del Medio Ambiente del estado de Chiapas anunció el martes a través de un comuinicado que había ordenado el cierre de la mina que pertenece a la empresa Backfire Exploration Ltd. con sede en Calgary, Canadá, debido a que estaba dañando el medio ambiente.

El cierre ocurre 11 días después del asesinato de un activista opositor a la mina, Mariano Abarca Robledo.

El gobierno estatal informo que había clausurado el lunes la mina ubicada en el municipio de Chicomuselo, cercano a la frontera con Guatemala.

Abarca Robledo se opuso siempre a la mina a cielo abierto donde la empresa Backfire extraía barita, un mineral no metálico utilizado en proyectos de perforación de pozos petroleros.

Las autoridades detuvieron a tres empleados de Backfire debido al asesinato.





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Suspeita de irregularidades paralisa votação interna do PT em MG





A apuração do segundo turno da eleição para a presidência do diretório estadual do PT em Minas Gerais foi suspensa temporariamente nesta terça-feira. A contagem dos votos foi interrompida pela manhã pela Comissão Estadual de Organização Eleitoral (COE-MG). Segundo o site oficial do partido no Estado, a suspensão foi motivada pela análise de recursos contra supostas irregularidades durante a votação.

De um lado, está o grupo que apoia o deputado federal Reginaldo Lopes para o seu segundo mandato e que tem ainda o ex-prefeito Fernando Pimentel como o pré-candidato para disputar o governo do Estado em 2010. De outro, o bloco liderado pelo ministro do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome, Patrus Ananias, também interessando na sucessão do governador Aécio Neves (PSDB). Para a presidência do PT mineiro, Patrus apoia o secretário nacional de Comunicação do partido, Gleber Naime.




Mercadante: 'Oposição está engasgada com o panetone'




Rejane Lima
O senador Aloizio Mercadante (PT-SP) disse hoje que a oposição não tem discurso econômico, social e moral para debater com o governo na próxima campanha para presidente. "Na área moral eles estão engasgados com o panetone do Arruda em Brasília", disse o senador durante a 4ª Oficina de Gestão Pública, que acontece hoje no Guarujá, na Baixada Santista.

Mercadante comemorou com cautela a pesquisa encomendada à Vox Populi pelos próprios petistas que mostra que a ministra-chefe da Casa Civil, Dilma Rousseff, possui entre 22% e 30% das intenções de voto nas eleições para presidente. "Eleição é que nem melão, você bate, pesa, olha, mas você só sabe o que tem dentro quando abre. Então, não dá para dizer que a eleição já aconteceu, até porque a humildade é trabalhar com seriedade. Mas eu estou muito confiante na possibilidade de vencer as eleições presidenciais."




Segundo o senador, o aumento do tempo no horário gratuito de TV será um grande aliado de Dilma no pleito do próximo ano. "Nós tivemos 21% do tempo de televisão em 2002, 24% em 2006 e vamos ter 50% de televisão em 2010. Isso ajuda muito para quem é governo porque nós vamos poder mostrar um Brasil que o povo sente e não vê", disse, completando que os brasileiros poderão conhecer a história política da ministra.



"Além disso, acho que a despedida do Lula (presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva) vai comover profundamente o povo brasileiro, vai dar um sentimento de vazio. E esse sentimento, essa emoção, vai ser canalizada com a continuidade do governo com a eleição da Dilma", afirmou o senador, completando que irá a festa do PT em Brasília na próxima terça-feira.


"A festa é para comemorar 30 anos da história do PT. É uma história muito bonita, de um partido que mudou o Brasil, mudou pra melhor", disse Mercadante sem responder se se sente constrangido com o fato de a festa homenagear os ex-presidentes do partido, entre eles os réus no processo do mensalão petista, José Genoino e José Dirceu.






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Na festa do PT, Dilma condena ?esquema? do DEM

VERA ROSA - Agencia Estado


Pré-candidata do PT à Presidência, a ministra da Casa Civil, Dilma Rousseff, disse que o escândalo do mensalão no Distrito Federal "compromete" o DEM. Estrela da festa organizada pelo PT para comemorar os 30 anos do partido, Dilma definiu como "estarrecedoras" as imagens em que o governador do Distrito Federal, José Roberto Arruda, deputados e secretários aparecem recebendo dinheiro, mas não quis associar o escândalo ao PSDB.




"Olho essa questão com muita cautela, mas acredito que compromete o DEM. Quanto ao PSDB, não tenho como afirmar isso", disse, sem querer comprar briga com o governador José Serra, seu principal adversário na disputa ao Planalto.

Apesar de condenar com veemência o "mensalão do DEM", defendendo "punição mais rápida" quando as provas de corrupção são "inequívocas", Dilma defendeu os petistas que são réus no processo que tramita no Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF).

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Ao chegar à festa que homenageou ex-presidentes do PT - inclusive os que tiveram os nomes envolvidos no escândalo do mensalão de 2005, como o ex-ministro José Dirceu e o deputado José Genoino (SP) -, Dilma disse que os dois episódios são muito diferentes. "Não há provas contundentes contra eles, que não foram sequer julgados", insistiu Dilma. "No caso do DEM, as imagens são estarrecedoras, muito claras." Na semana passada, o presidente Lula havia dito que as cenas "não falam por si só"




STF E O MENSALÃO

Dilma, convocada pelo STF, mensalão em pauta
STF convoca 36 autoridades para depor no mensalão

O Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) convocou mais 29 deputados, quatro senadores e três ministros para deporem no processo judicial sobre o mensalão, suposta propina paga pelo governo Lula para que parlamentares votassem a favor de projetos de interesse do Planalto.

As comunicações foram expedidas na última sexta-feira (2) e incluem a ministra-chefe da Casa Civil, Dilma Rousseff (PT), pré-candidata à presidência da República, o líder do governo na Câmara, Henrique Fontana (PT-RS), além de dois ex-presidentes da Casa, Arlindo Chinaglia (PT-SP) e Aldo Rebelo (PCdoB-SP).

Os depoimentos servem para atender à defesa dos 39 réus no processo, como o ex-ministro da Casa Civil José Dirceu.

Eles deverão ser prestados pessoalmente ou por escrito, na 12ª Vara da Justiça Federal em Brasília. As autoridades podem escolher o dia e a hora, mas o prazo concedido pelo relator do caso no STF, ministro Joaquim Barbosa, é até o dia 30 de outubro.

Lula, Temer e Alencar

No início de setembro, o presidente Lula e o presidente da Câmara, Michel Temer (PMDB-SP), também foram chamados a depor. Mas, até o último dia 22, Temer ainda não havia manifestado de que forma responderia às questões.

O vice-presidente da República, José Alencar, já enviou as respostas por escrito à 12ª Vara Federal.


Mensalão scandal

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The Mensalão scandal (Portuguese: Escândalo do Mensalão) took place in Brazil in 2005 and threatened to bring down the government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Mensalão is a neologism and variant of the word for "big monthly payment" (salário mensal or mensalidade). The scandal began when on June 6, 2005, the Brazilian Congressional Deputy Roberto Jefferson told the Brazilian newspaper Folha de São Paulo that the ruling Labour's Party (PT) had paid a number of Congressional deputies thirty thousand reais (around US$12,000 at the time) every month in order to vote for legislation favored by the ruling party. The funds were said to originate from state-owned companies' advertising budgets, funneled through an advertising agency owned by Marcos Valério. Many key advisers to president Lula resigned, while several deputies were faced with the choice of resignation or expulsion from congress, though the president himself went on to be re-elected in 2006. The scandal also sparked unproved charges of illegal campaign contributions from Cuba and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and political connections to the assassination of Celso Daniel, mayor of the city of Santo André.

Contents

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[edit] Origins

On September 18, 2004, the major Brazilian weekly magazine Veja printed a cover story entitled, "The scandal of the purchase of the PTB by the PT". The article described the development of the alliance between the Workers Party (PT) and the Brazilian Labour Party (PTB). According to the magazine, the Workers' Party had promised that it would pay R$150,000 to each PTB congressional deputy if they would give their support to the Executive. Allegedly, because these promises were not fulfilled, a storm of allegations of corruption against the PT began to appear in May 2005.

On September 24, 2004, the Rio de Janeiro newspaper Jornal do Brasil published the story: "Miro denounces bribery in Congress". The article cited Veja and claimed that the former Minister of Communications Miro Teixeira had revealed the existence of the monthly payments to the Public Prosecution Ministry.

On September 25, 2004, the Jornal do Brasil published another story claiming that the President of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies João Paulo Cunha (PT) had promised that he would fully investigate the claims. According to the newspaper, the President of PPS Roberto Freire commented: "This subject has been circulating for months in Congress but nobody has the courage to approach it."

[edit] The scandal's explosion

On May 14, 2005, the Brazilian weekly magazine Veja published a new story describing an apparent corruption scheme in the Brazilian Postal Service. The magazine described the content of a 110 minute video tape recording, made with a hidden camera, which showed former Post Office Chief Maurício Marinho involved in an apparent bribe negotiation with a businessman. The full bribery scheme involving government contracts would be administered by the Post Office administration director Antônio Osório Batista and by the Post Office manager and Congressional deputy Roberto Jefferson (PTB).

The equipment used in the recording of the Post Office bribery negotiation. Photo: Gervásio Baptista/ABr.

In the tape, Marinho receives and then pockets R$3,000 (about 1,259 USD) in cash. The recording was aired by the major Brazilian television stations.

Agents from the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (ABIN) took part in investigating the Post Office case. As the scandal developed this involvement was argued to be linked to an attempt to destroy the PT's former allies without the scandal exploding upon the government.

However, a major political battle began when the government tried to systematically obstruct the installation of a Parliamentary Commission of Investigation (CPI) to investigate the growing corruption scandal.

On June 3, 2005 the newspaper Folha de São Paulo published the story claiming that the government was tying funds to various projects to support of the installation of the CPI.

Because of these claims, part of the government's base joined the opposition to support the installation of a Parliamentary Commission of Investigation. Abandoned by his allies, Jefferson began to counterattack. On June 6, the newspaper Folha de São Paulo published an interview with Jefferson. Jefferson claimed that Delúbio Soares, the treasurer of Workers' Party, was administering a monthly payment of R$ 30 thousand to certain Congressional deputies, in order to influence them to vote with the government.

Roberto Jefferson claimed that those who received the monthly payment called it mensalão, a derivation of the word in Portuguese for monthly payment. The word "mensalão" quickly became the adopted popular label for the scandal, now identified as the "escândalo do mensalão."

According to Jefferson, the operator of the payment scheme was the businessman Marcos Valério de Souza, one of the owners of the advertising agencies SMP&B and DNA, which had large contracts with the government.

After the installation of the Investigation Commission the government allegedly tried to control the commission by installing allies Senator Delcídio Amaral (PT) as President and Deputy Osmar Serraglio (PMDB) as the key reporter.

Although the Congressional Commission of Investigation for the Post Office scandal subject was officially restricted to the investigation of irregularities in the Post Office administration, it began to investigate the expanding monthly payment claims because of the apparent connections between the cases.

An additional commission for the broader scandal was officially installed on July 20. Allies of the government occupy the key posts; the President of the CPI is the Senator Amir Lando and the reporter (responsible for writing the final report) the Deputy Ibrahim Abi-Ackel. Abi-Ackel was minister of justice in the government of João Baptista Figueiredo, and he was also accused of involvement in a corruption scandal.

[edit] The scandal's development

Throughout July and August, the scandal expanded in a complicated and baroque manner that some described as similar to a Brazilian soap opera (telenovela). In early July, an advisor to Congressional deputy and brother of Workers’ Party President José Genoíno, was seized at an airport with $100,000 in his underwear and additional funds in his luggage. The wives and secretaries of key figures testified in the numerous and overlapping Congressional panels, including Valério's secretary, Fernanda Karina Somaggio, and the ex-wife of Valdemar Costa Neto, Maria Christina Mendes Caldeira. The Congressional hearings were often marked by fiery rhetoric and emotional outbursts, including numerous incidents of crying by witnesses and Workers' Party deputies. Although still murky and unclear, reported links between the scandal, its key figures, and the murder of Santo André's mayor Celso Daniel and various mafia and criminal figures have only intensified its sensational tone and societal impact.

One key event that broadened the scandal into more of a general investigation of the Workers' Party history as whole was the sudden testimony of Duda Mendonça, public relations specialist and campaign manager for Lula's 2002 campaign, on August 11. He claimed that he was paid using off-shore bank accounts and possibly illegal funds connected to Valério.

The scandal, which had at that time not yet involved Brazil's finance minister who is often claimed to be popular with the international finance community, threatened Antonio Palocci's standing after lawyer and former advisor Rogério Tadeu Buratti testified that Palocci was involved in corrupt activities while mayor of Ribeirão Preto in the mid-90's.

Although Lula's popularity waxed and waned, no definite proof emerged that he orchestrated or had knowledge of any monthly payments. Most of the PT's leadership was affected in some way, with many resigning or failing to win re-election. Brazil's economy was widely perceived as not having been substantially impacted by the scandal.

Roberto Jefferson, who initially sparked the scandal, was expelled from the Chamber of Deputies on September 14, 2005 for ethical violations determined by the Congressional Council of Ethics. Despite continued resignations from figure involved, in October the scandal died down somewhat as Brazil had a referendum on gun sales that resulted in a loss for the government's position. At the end of October, Veja published a new story claiming that the Workers' Party had received illegal campaign funds from Cuba--threatening to re-intensify the scandal once again, though that was not ultimately the case.

[edit] First joint preliminary CPI report

The Post Office and Vote Buying parliamentary commissions of investigation unanimously approved their first joint preliminary report on September 1, 2005.

The report accused 18 Brazilian deputies of involvement in the corruption scandal:

In the report they are accused of misdeeds including illegal campaign finance activities, placing cronies in strategic positions in government enterprises and receiving kickbacks in return, and receiving cash payments in exchange for voting with the government in the Brazilian Congress.

In regard to the claims initially made by deputy Roberto Jefferson (PTB) the report states:

  • Everything he said that could be investigated was revealed to appear to be valid, including his own confessions.
  • Everything he said when compared to other testimonies showed a great degree of validity.

The report stated that several documents were identified and validated proving that large sums of money were withdrawn from agencies of the Rural Bank in Brasilia and Belo Horizonte, as well as from the bank accounts of the enterprises SMPB and DNA. According to the documents, the beneficiaries were federal deputies who received funds in person or through relatives, advisers, or individuals chosen by Marcos Valério.

The report affirmed that it was possible that some payments were made on a monthly basis and others more or less frequently. The presence of the scheme at all, however, was to deemed to be of greater importance than the timing of the payments.

The editors of the CPI report called the defense made by some parliamentarians that the funds were used to settle debts from electoral campaigns a "lame excuse".

[edit] Timing of key withdrawals and votes

Documents from the Council for Control of Financial Activities (Conselho de Controle de Atividades Financeiras [Coaf]) indicate that between July and May 2003, withdrawals of 27 million reais were made from the accounts of businessman Marcos Valério.

According to deputy Roberto Jefferson, the money for the mensalão came from Banco Rural and the Banco do Brasil. Documents from Coaf validate the withdrawals from Banco Rural; the withdrawals from the Banco do Brasil have not yet been traced.

The table below shows a side-by-side description of some of the withdrawals and connected votes in the Chamber of Deputies and Senate of Brazil.

Source:Reuters.

[edit] Principal figures in the scandal

[edit] Workers Party

  1. José Dirceu, accused by Jefferson to be the head of the scheme
  2. José Genoíno, President of the PT, suspected in relationship to money found in the underwear of the adviser to his brother, the deputy José Guimarães
  3. Delúbio Soares, Treasurer of the PT
  4. Marcelo Sereno, National leader of PT
  5. Silvio Pereira, National leader PT, received a Land Rover from a supplier to Petrobras
  6. João Paulo Cunha (PT-São Paulo) - Ex-president of the House. His wife was identified by people visiting the Banco Rural in Brasília
  7. Paulo Rocha (PT-Pará) - Ex-leader of the PT in the House. An adviser of his was seen outside of the Banco Rural.
  8. Professor Luizinho (PT-São Paulo) - Ex-leader of the government in the House, had an adviser who received R$ 20 mil from Marcos Valério.
  9. José Mentor (PT-São Paulo) - His office received R$ 60 from a Banco Rural account of Marcos Valério
  10. José Nobre Guimarães (PT-Ceará) - Brother of party chief José Genuíno. His adviser was found with US$ 100,000.00 in his underwear and R$ 200,000.00 in a suitcase. Guimarães was also accused of receiving R$ 250,000.00 from the accounts of Marcos Valério.
  11. José Adalberto Vieira da Silva (PT-Ceará) adviser to José Nobre Guimarães, found with hidden money in his underpants.
  12. Josias Gomes (PT-Bahia) - suspected of personally withdrawing R$ 100 thousands from the accounts of Marcos Valério.
  13. Luiz Gushiken, ex-communication secretary, accused of issues relating to his former firms

[edit] Allied figures

These figures are members of other parties that gave political support to the Workers' Party before the scandal: PTB, PP, PL, and the PMDB.

  1. Roberto Jefferson (PTB-Rio de Janeiro) - Deputy who sparked the scandal with his initial allegations. Accused of operating a corruption scheme using state enterprises and the Post Office. Also accused of receiving millions of dollars from Marcos Valério to assist the PTB without declaring it to the electoral authorities.
  2. José Carlos Martinez (PTB-Paraná) - Deputy who has already died. Accused of receiving R$ 1,000,000.00
  3. Romeu Queiroz (PTB-Minas Gerais). Accused of receiving R$ 350,000.00
  4. José Janene (PP-Paraná) - Cited by Jefferson since the start of the scandal. Accused of distributing the Mensalão to the parliamentary group of the PP. His involvement was confirmed in testimony by his advisor João Cláudio Genu to the Federal Police, who confessed to making the withdrawals and delivering the money to the treasury of the PP.
  5. Pedro Corrêa (PP-Pernambuco) - President of the PP, also accused by Jefferson and incriminated by Genu.
  6. Pedro Henry (PP-Mato Grosso) - Ex-leader of the House, also implicated in the testimony of Genu.
  7. José Borba (PMDB-Paraná) - Ex-leader of the PMDB in the House. Is accused of receiving R$ 2.1 million by the financial director of Valério's firm SMPB, but of refusing to sign the receipt for the withdrawal (forcing an employee of SMPB to go to the bank branch to release the payment)
  8. Valdemar Costa Neto (PL-São Paulo) - Accused of being the distributor of the Mensalão to the bench of the PL. His ex-treasurer, Jacinto Lamas, is accused of being the main beneficiery listed in the withdrawals from the accounts of Marcos Valério in Banco Rural, receiving R$ 10,837,500. To avoid the process of removal from Congress, on August 1 he resigned before an inquiry could be opened.
  9. Bishop Rodrigues (PL-Rio de Janeiro) - Coordinated the grouping of members of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God in the House. Accused of receiving R$ 150,000. Was afterwards expelled from the church.
  10. Anderson Adauto (PL-Minas Gerais) - Ex-Minister of Transportation, accused of receiving, through the intermediary of his cabinet chief, one million reals from Marcos Valério.

[edit] Opposition

  1. Eduardo Azeredo - (PSDB-Minas Gerais). Not accused of involvement in the mensalão, he is accused of receiving money from Marcos Valério to be used in an off-book accounting scheme for campaign for the Governor of Minas Gerais in 1998. In response to this accusations, in hope to preserve his party's reputation, Azeredo leaves his position as PSDB's national president in October, 2005.
  2. Roberto Brant - Deputy of the PFL from Minas Gerais who is accused of having received funds from Valerio. The fact that Brant who is a member of a party opposed to the government is notable. Brant argued that the money he received was from the business Usiminas, which was not declared as an official donor. Valério denied the claim and Usiminas refused to comment.

[edit] Others

  1. Marcos Valério - Businessman. Accused of being the operator of the "mensalão", he supposedly operated several public relations firms and advertising agencies whose bank accounts were used to distribute funds to members of the Workers' Party and other allied Brazilian parties. He is also accused of participating of Eduardo Azeredo's off-book accounting.
  2. Duda Mendonça - Campaign manager and public relations specialist who led Lula Presidential campaign. His partner, Zilmar da Silveira, appears as a recipient of funds from Marcos Valério (R$ 15,500,000.00).
  3. Fernanda Karina Somaggio - Secretary of Marcos Valério. Her datebook was seized by the Federal Police. She confirmed the Valério's connection to Delúbio Soares and with other deputies accused of involvement in the corruption scheme. Also charged that payments were made with suitcases filled with money.
  4. Renilda Soares - Valério's wife. Accused José Dirceu of having full knowledge of the corruption scheme.
  5. Toninho da Barcelona - also known as Antonio Oliveira Claramunt. One of the principal Brazil foreign exchange specialists. Arrested for illegal financial activities, he alleged that he did various exchanges for the PT and other parties. He claimed the PT maintained a secret foreign bank account.
  6. Rogério Buratti - ex-advisor to Antonio Palocci. Arrested by police on August 16, 2005. He is accused of participating in fraud in contracts between the local district of Ribeirão Preto and garbage collection firms, money laundering, and extortion. Claimed that during the administration of Antonio Palocci there was a corruption scheme to divert funds to the Workes' Party.
  7. Sérgio Gomes da Silva, "the Shadow" - Businessman and ex-body guard for the mayor of Santo André Celso Daniel. He is accused of having ordered the assassination of the mayor.
  8. Maria Christina Mendes Caldeira - ex-wife of the deputy Valdemar Costa Neto. Accused her former husband of receiving the mensalão and of receiving an irregular donation from Taiwanese businessmen.

[edit] Major businesses involved

[edit] Brazil

[edit] State companies
[edit] Private companies
[edit] Financial institutions
  • Banco Rural: used by Marcos Valério for his operations
  • Banco do Brasil: used by Marcos Valério for his operations
  • BMG: used by Marcos Valério for his operations

[edit] Portugal

The local branches or subsidiaries of the following Portugal-based multinational companies were allegedly involved:

[edit] United States

[edit] Congressional Committees of Investigation (CPIs)

The following CPIs are involved in the investigation of issues that are related to the overall Cash-for-Vote scandal. [1]

  • Post Office CPI: Created June 9, 2005 to investigate alleged irregularities and corruption in the Brazilian Post Office. After the claims by Deputy Roberto Jefferson, this CPI began investigation into the alleged payments made to Brazilian deputies by the ruling party. The termination of the committee's work is scheduled for February 21, 2006.
  • Bingo CPI: Created in June 19, 2005 to investigate the use of houses of Bingo gambling for money laundering and the relationship between these houses and organized crime. The CPI was proposed after a tape revealed that the Waldomiro Diniz (an advisor to the Minister José Dirceu) was apparently extorting the gambling mafia of Rio de Janeiro to gain funds for Workers' Party political campaigns. The termination of the committee's work is scheduled for October 26, 2005.
  • Vote Buying CPI: Created July 20, 2005 to investigate the alleged monthly payments to deputies. The Workers' Party requests a parallel investigation of the electoral reform to allow a second term for ex-President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB). The termination of the committee's work is scheduled for November 16, 2005.

Also there was a movement instigated by members of opposition in order to create a fourth CPI to investigate off-book accounts in all parties' during the most recent elections. Due to serial allegations of the occurring of this kind of operation in many politicians' campaigns in 2002, including President Lula's, many believed this CPI could result in a legal and concrete reason to start his impeachment process. However this process was aborted.

[edit] Ethics' Council

The council of Ethics and Parliamentary Decorum of the House is the organ responsible for processing and disciplining members for behavior not in concordance with Parliamentary Decorum.

In order to expel a deputy, 257 votes out of 513 are needed. If expelled, in addition to losing his seat in the Congress and parliamentary privileges and immunity, the member can be barred from holding any public office for eight years. Jefferson will be prohibited from running for office again until 2015. [2] [3]

[edit] Supreme Court Indictment

On August 24, 2007, the Supreme Federal Tribunal, responsible for judging criminal proceedings against parliamentarians due to parliamentary immunity, accepted the indictments of 40 individuals relating to the Mensalão scandal, most which are former or current federal deputies, all of which were allies of Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.[1]

[edit] Timeline of key events

[edit] Figures losing their posts as a result of the scandal

  1. Mauricio Marinho, Post Office Chief, May 14
  2. The director of the Post Office Administration, Antonio Osório Batista and his immediately assistant Fernando Godoy, May 16
  3. Luiz Appolonio Neto, President of the IRB, May 21
  4. The leadership of the Correios and of the IRB, June 7
  5. The directors of electrical firms: Dimas Fabiano Toledo, Rodrigo Botelho Campos e José Roberto Cesaroni Cury, June 30
  6. José Dirceu, Chief-of-Staff (analogous to British Cabinet Office), June 14
  7. Roberto Jefferson, President of PTB, June 17
  8. Silvio Pereira, Secretary-General of the PT, July 4
  9. Delúbio Soares, Treasurer of PT, July 5
  10. Glenio Guedes, Directory of the Conselho de Recursos do Sistema Financeiro, July 6
  11. José Adalberto Vieira da Silva, Aide to the deputy José Nobre Guimarães, July 8
  12. José Nobre Guimarães, Manager of the state directory of the PT-CE, July 9
  13. José Genoino, President of the Workers' Party (PT), July 9
  14. Marcelo Sereno, Communication Secretary of the PT, July 9
  15. Henrique Pizzolato, Director of marketing of the Banco do Brasil, July 10
  16. Luiz Gushiken, Ministério da Comunicação e Gestão Estratégica was relegated downwards, July 12.
  17. Luiz Gushiken was downgraded again. Left position as at Secretary of Communication to become an adviser to President Lula, July 21
  18. Valdemar Costa Neto, Federal deputy and president of the Liberal Party (PL), resigned his mandate, August 1
  19. Marcio Lacerda, Executive Secretary in the Ministry of National Integration, August 2
  20. Manoel Severino, President of the Casa da Moeda do Brasil, tendered resignation, August 3
  21. Danilo de Camargo, Coordinator of the Commission of Ethics in the PT, August 6
  22. Juscelino Antonio Dourado, Cabinet chief of Finance Minister, September 1

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ Q&A: Brazil corruption scandal. BBC News. September 4, 2007. Retrieved on October 14, 2007.

[edit] References



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Europeus e EUA formam frente contra Brasil, Índia e China


SÃO PAULO - Dinamarca, Estados Unidos e Reino Unido elaboraram um documento, a ser apresentado no fim da cúpula de mudanças climáticas, em Copenhague, no qual defendem a exclusão de Brasil, Índia e China do grupo dos países em desenvolvimento nas negociações sobre meio ambiente. Isso significa que esses três países não só não teriam acesso a financiamento para o combate ao aquecimento global, como também seriam obrigados a obedecer metas de redução de emissões de dióxido de carbono (CO2). O documento foi obtido pelo jornal britânico The Guardian.

Hoje, China Brasil e Índia não são obrigados a cumprir metas de corte de emissões. Mas os três países apresentaram, antes do início da cúpula, propostas voluntárias de reduções.

Segundo dinamarqueses, norte-americanos e britânicos, esses países teriam saído fortalecidos da crise econômica mundial e estariam recebendo recursos com projetos de Mecanismo de Desenvolvimento Limpo (MDL).

Várias das propostas incluídas no documento indicam um afastamento dos princípios que norteiam o Protocolo de Kyoto, cujo primeiro período de validade vai até 2012. Um observador do processo disse que em resposta ao documento dinamarquês, a China e outros países elaboraram um outro rascunho de acordo. No entanto, ele teria sido considerado fraco pelos negociadores brasileiros. A delegação brasileira considera inadmissível o abandono dos princípios e mecanismos do Protocolo de Kyoto.

A ideia de excluir chineses, brasileiros e indianos parece ser compartilhada pela União Europeia (UE). Arthur Runge-Metzger, negociador do bloco na cúpula, afirmou que a primeira opção da UE é repassar recursos públicos aos países mais pobres, já que economias emergentes como Brasil e China já estariam recebendo a maior parte dos recursos levantados com créditos de carbono. "Por que deveríamos dar mais dinheiro a estes países se eles já recebem grande parte dos projetos de MDL? Talvez seja melhor você perguntar o que os países mais pobres acham disso", respondeu o negociador europeu a uma jornalista brasileira na entrevista coletiva do bloco.

Yvo de Boer, secretário executivo das Nações Unidas (ONU) para o clima, defendeu que os países também devem ter acesso aos fundos. A ideia da ONU é que países como o Brasil sejam beneficiados com financiamento para preservar florestas tropicais. No entanto, ficariam de fora da verba destina à adaptação. Esse dinheiro que seria usado por países pobres como Bangladesh no caso de necessidade de migração da população por conta de eventos causados pelo clima.

O embaixador Luiz Alberto Figueiredo Machado, o negociador-chefe do Brasil na cúpula, afirmou que o País não deixará de investir recursos próprios em ações de mitigação e adaptação - como projetos de Redd (redução de emissões por desmatamento e degradação). "O financiamento tem que ser para todos os países, mas nós faremos mais e melhor se tivermos acesso a recursos internacionais", disse.

Uma proposta ganhou força nos últimos encontros preparatórios antes da reunião de Copenhague é a criação de um fast start fund, ou seja, um fundo de acesso rápido no valor de US$ 10 bilhões por ano em três anos, para auxiliar os países mais pobres a lidar com os efeitos do aquecimento global. Para o Brasil, este tipo de mecanismo também não seria aceitável sem que seja acompanhado de uma contrapartida de longo prazo. "Não é possível sairmos daqui com um financiamento de curto prazo", afirmou o embaixador brasileiro.

Na segunda-feira, primeiro dia do encontro, os Estados Unidos ofereceram uma ajuda de US$ 10 bilhões ao ano para o fundo.

Custo do fracasso

O fracasso da cúpula da ONU sobre mudança climática custaria US$ 500 bilhões ao ano à economia mundial, afirmou ontem Nobuo Tanaka, diretor da Agência Internacional da Energia (AIE).

"Se não forem tomadas medidas imediatamente para reduzir as emissões de dióxido de carbono, serão necessários US$ 500 bilhões ao ano de investimentos adicionais para recuperar o tempo perdido e voltar à trajetória inicial", disse Tanaka, na apresentação de um relatório em Paris sobre energias renováveis.

Além disso, o diretor da AIE revelou que considera impossível que, em Copenhague, seja assinado um tratado internacional obrigatório. "Uma mensagem muito firme deve ser enviada aos investidores do meio ambiente que Copenhague está criando. Sem uma mensagem clara, é difícil para o setor privado se comprometer nos investimentos", disse Tanaka.









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